The study focuses on academic chemists and finds spillover effects on U. Patenting rates increased in the patent subclasses in which German Jewish chemists had specialized before the war, particularly among young scientists who had never patented before. The effect of the Age of Mass Migration on the U. Sandra Sequeira, Nathan Nunn, and Nancy Qian find a positive relationship between migration flows to a county during the Age of Mass Migration and local income and education levels today.
Just as international migration to the United States has undergone dramatic swings, so too has mobility within the country, though the latter is not attributable to regulation. Raven Molloy, Christopher Smith, and Abigail Wozniak document that, after a period of high and relatively stable internal mobility from to , interstate migration declined by half in recent years, from 3 percent to 1.
High rates of internal mobility in the midth century were prompted, in part, by specific migration flows, including black migration out of the rural South and Dust Bowl migration from the Great Plains. Collins and Wanamaker create linked census datasets of black and white southern migrants observed in and and find that migrants who moved within or outside the South showed few signs of being positively selected. Boustan argues that the migrants themselves gained tremendously — more than doubling their earnings by moving to the North — but the new arrivals competed with existing black workers, limiting black-white wage convergence in northern labor markets.
Furthermore, many white households responded to black in-migration by relocating to the suburbs. Internal mobility both across and within regions contributed to a dramatic rise in residential racial segregation in the United States from to By , the high levels of racial segregation that characterize U. Trevon Logan and John Parman have developed a new measure of racial segregation that exploits the complete digitized census manuscripts of and and the fact that census enumerators tended to survey neighboring households in order.
Allison Shertzer and Randall Walsh develop a panel dataset following neighborhoods at the decadal level in the 10 largest northern cities from to Shertzer, Tate Twinam, and Walsh document that municipal zoning codes, first introduced in the s, were used to direct high-density development toward black neighborhoods, further entrenching patterns of residential segregation. Several recent studies revisit the Great Depression, bringing new data and methods to bear on longstanding questions and often offering comparisons with the more recent downturn.
Public bond markets collapsed in the early years of the Depression, constraining the ability of firms with debt coming due to finance their operations. Thus, firms in the same market and subject to similar shocks may have been differentially affected by the Depression depending on the size and maturity structure of their preexisting debt. To study the effect of firms' ability to obtain credit in the early s, Efraim Benmelech, Carola Frydman, and Dimitris Papanikolaou build a dataset that includes the value and maturity of large industrial firms' long-term debt.
Firms at the 90th percentile of the distribution of firms by the total amount of debt reaching maturity cut employment by 5 percent more than firms without maturing debt. The effect of financial frictions on employment was especially strong in areas where commercial banks failed, since this curtailed firms' ability to substitute bank loans for bonds. In the aggregate, financial frictions appear to have caused large declines in employment in large firms during the Depression, with effects that may have been two to five times larger than in the Great Recession.
Banking crises are a central theme in the economics of the Great Depression, and yet there is still much to learn about how the banking system's distress spread geographically and was communicated to the real economy. Kris Mitchener and Gary Richardson closely examine the pyramidal structure of the interbank deposit network to understand how, during banking panics, heavy withdrawals by banks transmitted distress through balance-sheet effects and reduced lending prior to the bank holiday of The researchers compare the role of bank distress during the Depression with the role of sharp reductions in lending by "shadow banks" in In a related paper, Jon Cohen, Kinda Cheryl Hachem, and Richardson focus on "relationship lending," in which commercial banks and businesses have a long-term relationship that provides banks with substantial information about the quality of borrowers.
Shifting from studies of the descent into Depression to studies of the recovery, Joshua Hausman, Paul Rhode, and Johannes Wieland investigate how the dollar's devaluation in boosted the agricultural sector and thereby yielded significantly positive macroeconomic effects. The empirical connection is revealed in the geographic pattern of demand for automobiles in the spring of , when farming areas had large increases in demand. This may reflect the relatively high marginal propensity to consume among farmers who were heavily burdened with debt prior to devaluation and disproportionately benefited from the policy change.
The researchers caution that in other settings — modern Japan, for example — redistribution through devaluation could have unintended consequences by redistributing income away from groups with relatively high marginal propensities to consume.
Price Fishback has been a key scholar in the area. His summary of the vast literature about the New Deal provides an appreciation for the multiplicity of programs and goals in play. Some programs worked at cross-purposes and others had unintended consequences, for better or worse. Old Age Assistance OAA was one of several important social insurance programs implemented during the s. Daniel Fetter and Lee Lockwood exploit the full-count census of population to measure how this program affected older men's labor supply.
Using variation across states in program generosity, they find clear labor supply effects of the OAA program. They report that OAA reduced the labor force participation rate of to year-old men by 5. They add, however, that the social welfare costs of the work disincentives were small. In related work, Fetter studies how state-level variation in the design of the OAA program influenced payments to the elderly and the fraction of the elderly that received program support.
The New Deal greatly increased federal and state involvement. Using variation across states in requirements for local funding, Fetter finds that shifting funding responsibility from localities to states increased payments per elderly person, primarily by raising the number of benefit recipients. The results suggest that if states had not taken on some funding responsibility for the federal match, OAA recipiency would have been far lower than it was — 5 percent rather than 22 percent of the elderly.
Adderly Jr. Professor of Economics at Vanderbilt University, will succeed her, becoming co-directors of the program beginning July Fogel and N. The highest rates per 1, live births in were about e. Alsan and C. Eriksson, G. Niemesh, and M. Clay, J. Lewis, and E. Barreca, K. Clay, and J. Alsan and M. Abramitzky and L. Abramitzky, L. Boustan, and K. Moser, A. Voena, and F. Waldinger, "German-Jewish Emigres and U. Sequeira, N. Nunn, and N. Molloy, C. Smith, and A. Wozniak, "Declining Migration within the U.
Collins and M. Logan and J. Shertzer and R. Shertzer, T.
Twinam, and R. Benmelech, C. Frydman, and D. Mitchener and G. Soon the noneconomists on the Fed staff were languishing in the metaphorical basement. Read: How the Fed failed to learn from history. Lemann hangs this part of his story on Michael C. But rather than seeing a remedy in checks exerted by regulators and organized labor, Jensen proposed to overhaul the firm so that ownership and control were reunited.https://grupoavigase.com/includes/468/1329-como-ligar-chicas.php
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Executives should be rewarded more with stock and less with salary, so that they would think like shareholders and focus on the profits that shareholders wanted. Managers who failed to generate a good return would see their stock prices languish, which would create tempting takeover targets. A market for corporate control would redouble the pressure on bosses to behave like owners. Successful takeovers, in turn, would shift corporations into the hands of single, all-powerful proprietors, capable of overseeing management more effectively than scattered stockholders could.
The market could be made to solve the problem of the firm. Government could pull back from regulation. Jensen was equally fortunate in his own way. Shortly after the publication of his research, the invention of junk bonds made hostile takeovers the rage. Jensen became the scholar who explained why this unprecedented boardroom bloodbath was good news for America. And to a considerable extent, the news was good.
Shielded from market discipline, the old corporate heads had deployed capital carelessly. They had expanded into new markets for reasons of vanity, squandered money on fancy management dining rooms, and signed labor contracts like the Treaty of Detroit, which—however statesmanlike—stored up liabilities to retirees that would ultimately hobble their companies. Reengineered and reinvigorated, American business staved off what might have been an existential threat from Japanese competition. The social contract of the Berle era was gone: the unstated assumption of lifetime employment, the promise of retirement benefits, the sense of community and stability and shared purpose that gave millions of lives their meaning.
Berle had viewed the corporation as a social and political institution as much as an economic one, and the dismembering of corporations on purely economic grounds was bound to generate fallout that had not been accounted for. As the collapse of Enron and other corporate darlings revealed, a good deal of non-market-related accounting fraud compounded the fragility.
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Even before the crash, Jensen disavowed the transactional culture he had helped to legitimize. Holy shit , Jensen remembers saying to himself. Anything can be corrupted. It is a tricky tale to tell, because many of the myths of the era fall apart on close inspection.
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Contrary to common presumption, the economics establishment in the s and s did not believe that markets were perfectly efficient. Rather, influential economists took the pragmatic view that markets would discipline financiers more effectively than regulators could. Alan Greenspan, the Fed chairman who is often painted as the embodiment of the pro-market age, had been preoccupied with the destabilizing inefficiencies in finance since the s.
Lawrence Summers, the Harvard economist who became Treasury secretary under Bill Clinton, had contributed to the academic literature on the limits of market efficiency. The fact that such sophisticated people presided over a dangerous buildup in financial risk suggests that something larger was at work than a naive faith in markets. He is happy to state at the outset that market-oriented reforms have lifted billions out of poverty, and to recognize that the deregulation that helped undo Berle-ism was not some kind of right-wing plot.
But Appelbaum makes it his mission to highlight instances where the market mind-set went awry.
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Inequality has grown to unacceptable extremes in highly developed economies. From to , life expectancy for poor Americans scandalously declined, even as the rich lived longer.
Meanwhile, the primacy of economics has not generated faster economic growth. From until the eve of the financial crisis, U.
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Read: Why the poor die young. As Appelbaum shows, economists have repeatedly made excessive claims for their discipline. When this expectation was exposed as hubris, Milton Friedman urged central banks to focus exclusively on the supply of money circulating in the economy. This too was soon discredited. Meanwhile, Greenspan and Summers ducked the political challenge of buffering new kinds of financial trading with regulatory safeguards.
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To be fair, the Wall Street lobbies presented more of an obstacle to regulation than critics acknowledge. Still, Greenspan and Summers miscalculated. The intellectual marketplace awaits a fresh approach to the structuring of work and the good society. The benevolent corporatism of the Treaty of Detroit reflected a world in which American industry faced little foreign competition and new technologies were generally developed by firmly established businesses. The dilemma is that, even as they compel efficiency, globalization and technological change exacerbate inequality and uncertainty and therefore the need for a compassionate social contract.
It is an inspired piece of casting. As a stalwart of Silicon Valley, Hoffman hails from the complex of start-ups that are intent on disrupting what remains of the old-line corporate establishment. At the same time, as the creator of LinkedIn, he represents a purported antidote to the insecurity that results from the disruption. The promise of online professional networking is that, by building a raft of cyberconnections, workers will safely navigate the rapids of the new economy.
Corporations are freed to pursue efficiency as they see fit; individuals nonetheless enjoy some of the security of the old corporatist era, because they have a new tool to help them. LinkedIn thus becomes the psychological center of the world of work—the successor to the corporation. Whereas Transaction Man treated workers as costs on a spreadsheet, Network Man wants to empower them. One in four American adults says they use LinkedIn , and many recruiters go to the site regularly.
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But LinkedIn is not a solution to worker insecurity writ large, still less to inequality. On the contrary, a world in which people compete to gather connections may be even less equal than our current one. A few high-octane networkers will attract large followings, while a long tail of pedestrians will have only a handful of buddies.
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