Topics in Lardil grammar.

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Nominal classification in Marrithiyel. Green, Rebecca. A sketch grammar of Burarra. Greenberg, Joseph H. Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In Joseph H. Greenberg ed. Hale, Ken. Warlpiri and the grammar of non-configurational languages. An elementary Warlpiri dictionary. Revised edn. Hamilton, Philip.

Oykangand sketch grammar. Harvey, Mark. No date. Warray grammar. A grammar of Gaagudju. Nominal classification in Aboriginal Australia. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Haspelmath, Martin. Comparative concepts and descriptive categories in crosslinguistic studies. Haviland, John.

Language Lardil

Guugu Yimidhirr. Heath, Jeffrey. Syntactic and lexical aspects of nonconfigurationality in Nunggubuyu Australia. Hercus, Luise. The Baagandji language Pacific Linguistics B Hill, Clair. Presentation at workshop on noun phrase structure, Aarhus University. The noun phrase in Umpila. Himmelmann, Nikolaus. Hosokawa, Komei. The Yawuru language of West Kimberley: A meaning-based description. Hudson, Joyce. The core of Walmatjari grammar. The Walmatjari: An introduction to the language and culture. Jones, Barbara. A grammar of Wangkajunga Pacific Linguistics Kirton, Jean.

Papers in Australian linguistics no. The Duungidjawu language of southeast Queensland: Grammar, texts and vocabulary Pacific Linguistics Klokeid, Terry. Thargari phonology and morphology Pacific Linguistics B Topics in Lardil grammar.

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Kofod, Frances. The Miriwung language East Kimberley : A phonological and morphological study. Krasnoukhova, Olga. The noun phrase in the languages of South America. Nijmegen: Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen doctoral dissertation. Langacker, Ronald W. Constituency, dependency, and conceptual grouping. Cognitive Linguistics 8. Lee, Jennifer. Tiwi today: A study of language change in a contact situation Pacific Linguistics C Lissarrague, Amanda. A grammar and dictionary of Gathang. Marmion, Douglas. A description of the morphology of Wajarri. McGregor, William. Phrase fracturing in Gooniyandi.

Dordrecht: Foris. A functional grammar of Gooniyandi. Functions of noun phrase discontinuity in Gooniyandi. Functions of Language 4. The languages of the Kimberley, Western Australia. London: RoutledgeCurzon. McKay, Graham. Rembarnga: A language of central Arnhem Land. McKelson, Kevin. Studies in Karajarri. A grammar of Bilinarra. Merlan, Francesca.

Lardil language

London: Routledge. A grammar of Wardaman. Morphy, Frances. Djapu, a Yolngu dialect. Mushin, Ilana. A grammar of Western Garrwa Pacific Linguistics Discourse and grammar in Australian languages. Nash, David. Topics in Warlpiri grammar. Nordlinger, Rachel. Constituency and grammatical relations. Oates, Lynette. The Muruwari language. Ogilvie, Sarah. Patz, Elisabeth. Pensalfini, Robert. A grammar of Jingulu Pacific Linguistics Reid, Nick.

Richards, Eirlys. The Walmatjari noun phrase. In Christine A. Kilham ed. Rijkhoff, Jan. The noun phrase. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Round, Erich. Kayardild morphology and syntax. Rumsey, Alan. Sands, Anna Kristina. A grammar of Garadjari, Western Australia. Saulwick, Adam. Aspects of the verb in Rembarrnga: A polysynthetic language of northern Australia: Grammatical description, texts and dictionary. Schebeck, Bernard. Texts on the social system of the Atynyamathanha people with grammatical notes Pacific Linguistics D Schultze-Berndt, Eva.

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Simple and complex verbs in Jaminjung: A study of event categorisation in an Australian language. Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen doctoral dissertation. Constraints on noun phrase discontinuity in an Australian language: The role of prosody and information structure. Linguistics Sharp, Janet. Sharpe, Margaret C. Alawa phonology and grammar. Grammar and texts of the Yugambeh-Bundjalung dialect chain in Eastern Australia. Simpson, Jane. Aspects of Warlpiri morphology and syntax.

Warumungu Australian — Pama-Nyungan. Zwicky eds. Oxford: Blackwell. Warumungu sketch grammar. Clause-initial position in four Australian languages. Singer, Ruth. Agreement in Mawng: Productive and lexicalised uses of agreement in an Australian language. Kugu Nganhcara. Sommer, Bruce. Kunjen syntax: A generative view. Honolulu: University of Hawaii doctoral dissertation.

Umbuygamu: The classification of a Cape York Peninsular language. Papers in Australian Linguistics No. Townsville: Ethnografix Australia.

Topics in Lardil grammar.

Sommer, Bruce A. Spronck, Stef. Reported speech in Ungarinyin: Grammar and social cognition in a language of the Kimberley region, Western Australia. Stirling, Lesley. Swartz, Stephen. Syntactic structure of Warlpiri clauses. In Stephen Swartz ed. Terrill, Angela.

Dharumbal Pacific Linguistics Thompson, David. Tryon, D. Daly family languages, Australia Pacific Linguistics C Tsunoda, Tasaku. A grammar of Warrongo. Enindhilyakwa phonology, morphosyntax and genetic position. Sydney: University of Sydney doctoral dissertation. Verstraete, Jean-Christophe. The noun phrase in Umpithamu.

Presentation at workshop on noun phrase structure, Aarhus Universitet. Waters, Bruce. Wilkins, David. Mparntwe Arrernte Aranda : Studies in the structure and semantics of grammar. Wilkinson, Melanie. Djambarrpuyngu: A Yolngu variety of Northern Australia. Williams, Corinne. A grammar of Yuwaalaraay Pacific Linguistics B Wordick, Frank. The Yindjibarndi language Pacific Linguistics C Yallop, Colin. The Narinjari language — Elkin ed. Sydney: University of Sydney. Alyawarra: An Aboriginal language of central Australia. Zandvoort, Frank. A grammar of Matngele. Haspelmath , without making any assumptions about the morphosyntactic status of word classes in individual languages.

There are also more recent counts, like Bowern b , who lists languages but is probably more liberal in distinguishing languages see comments in Bowern Our focus is on syntactic unithood; a study of headedness would go beyond the scope of this article. Whether these show phrasal marking or word marking is unclear: no relevant examples can be found in the grammar. One grammar in our sample that does at least discuss the criteria, and identifies a number of difficulties with them, is Bowern a : — on Bardi.

Incidentally, most languages of the sample seem to follow general word order tendencies for NEs as discussed in Dryer : — or Rijkhoff : — For instance, when a demonstrative and an adjective both precede the nominal head, the demonstrative comes first, and where they both follow the nominal head, the demonstrative usually — but not always — comes last cf. Unfortunately, for many languages limited information is available about word order in NEs with more than one modifier, or about the position of numerals in the NE. Where information is available, it seems that almost all languages follow the tendency described above.

The possessive pronoun usually behaves in a similar way, but not always: there are a couple of languages in this category where the possessive pronoun has a fixed position, while the demonstrative and the personal pronoun have flexible positions at the edges. Again, the possessive pronoun usually behaves in the same way as demonstratives, but in some languages it has a flexible position like the adjective.

Some of these languages show variation in the location of the case marker, either between the left and the right edge, or between one of the edges and another element e. We have found no further claims to this effect in our sample, but there may, in fact, be more languages in the sample that show this variation. There are some examples in Warlpiri e. Incidentally, there is one other language in the sample — Lardil — that has two sets of clitics, one following the first constituent and another following the first word Klokeid : — Obviously, we only focus on the first set here see example The introduction to this article mentioned three languages which played a prominent role in the non-configurationality debate: Warlpiri, Nunggubuyu, and Kalkatungu.

Only Warlpiri is part of our sample, but readers may be interested to know that the other two languages would fit into this last group as well. Nunggubuyu and Kalkatungu both show flexible word order, but unlike Warlpiri, they have only word marking and no evidence from diagnostic slots see Heath : — and Blake a : —, examples; : — In Bardi, the possessive pronoun always occurs at the outer edge of the NE Bowern a : In addition, there are several other restrictions on word order flexibility in Bardi NEs see further in Section 4.

In fact, there are very few languages in the sample that do not have any options for NP construal, and could therefore be regarded as lacking NPs altogether. In the table, these would be the languages with flexible word order, and without phrasal marking, diagnostic slots or prosodic evidence Gumbaynggirr, Nyangumarta, Warrongo, Yuwaalaraay, Burarra, Bininj Gun-wok, Enindhilyakwa, Giimbiyu, and Ungarinyin. Even here, however, it is not unlikely that there are other, perhaps more marginal, options for NP construal in the language.

There is only a small set of languages in our sample where we cannot detect any constraints on discontinuity. Given the nature of the examples, one wonders in how far such structures are attested beyond elicitation. In other words, the more dominant NP construal is in a language, the more strongly we could regard its NE as grammaticized. In this perspective, NP constituency is a gradient concept. However, we do not think such gradient approaches capture all the relevant differences: we think it is just as useful to focus on where and when NP construal is allowed, as on how dominant it is in the overall language system.

Export Citation. User Account Log in Register Help. Search Close Advanced Search Help. My Content 1 Recently viewed 1 Noun phrase constituen Show Summary Details. More options …. Linguistic Typology. Founded by Plank, Frans. See all formats and pricing. Migrants, Minorities and Health. Historical and contemporary studies, , Archaeology and Linguistics.

Aboriginal Australia in Global Perspective, , Pacific Linguistics. Series A: Occasional Papers 66 66 , , Articles 1—20 Show more. Help Privacy Terms. Topics in Warlpiri grammar. Where have all the onsets gone? Current Anthropology 47 1 , , WHO's definition? That is, although most of the phonological processes in Lardil can be motivated in terms of the satisfaction of demands on surface forms, there are just a few that cannot.

For theories which propose fundamentally to account for phonological processes in terms of the satisfaction of surface demands, Lardil offers a quantum of staunch resistance. One strategy which phonologists have found effective then, when arguing for the robustness of a new theory, is to furnish a viable and satisfying analysis of Lardil. The main concern in the remainder of this paper will not be to review those theoretical arguments, but to present new data in an organized fashion, and to discuss its general implications.

We begin with a review of the classic Lardil data set in Section 2; Section 3 then argues for a revision to the analysis of Laminalization, after which Section 4 introduces the main body of new data. Discussion follows in Sections 5 and 6, and conclusions in provided in Section 7. Differences between underlying and surface forms are highlighted by placing differing segments in bold.

While this might be due to a relatively later ordering of Sonorization, it could also be because those suffixes are marked as exceptions to Attrition. Further research may clarify the issue. Augmentation adds segments to the underlying form and has the function of making the surface form bimoraic. It could be argued then, that the application of Augmentation is motivated by the cross-linguistically common demand that surface words be minimally bimoraic. Lowering applies to underlying forms which are bimoraic and which end in a high vowel. In examples 4e and 4f we see that Lowering has no effect on vowels which are already low, and in examples 4g and 4h that Lowering does not apply to disyllables ending in long vowels, as their underlying forms are trimoraic, not bimoraic the phonology of trimoraic forms ending in short vowels is discussed next. The underlying forms to which Apocope applies are trimoraic or longer.

From those underlying forms, a final underlying, short vowel is deleted. Apocope Hale : Applies only if doing so does not contravene the surface demand that words be minimally bimoraic, cf. Were it to apply in those cases, it would reduce the surface form down to just a single mora, and by doing so would violate the demand that surface words be minimally bimoraic.

Wilkinson points out that the Augmentation of monomoraic forms, and the lack of Apocope from bimoraic forms, are both motivated by a demand on the surface moraicity of words. Nevertheless, this is not to say that all of Lardil phonology will find a motivation in terms of demands on surface forms. Surface demands may motivate the absence of Apocope from bimoraic words, but no such surface demand motivates the application of Apocope in longer words. As we will see in example 7 below, Lardil is perfectly tolerant of long, surface words that end in vowels.

Likewise, there is no surface demand that motivates Lowering in example 4 , since Lardil freely permits bimoraic surface words to end in high vowels. Cluster reduction is shown in example 6. Non-apical truncation deletes the would-be final, non-apical consonant from a word. Round Non-apical truncation is fed by Apocope, thus satisfying the surface demand that words not end in non-apical C UR Surface e. An alternative analysis of the Laminalization data will be offered below. In summary, Augmentation adds segments to a monomoraic underlying form and its application is consistent with a surface demand for minimally bimoraic words.

Lowering applies solely to bimoraic underlying forms and lowers a final high vowel to a low vowel; no surface demand motivates it. Cluster reduction simplifies any would-be final clusters down to one segment and is motivated by a surface demand against word final, complex codas.

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Non-apical truncation is likewise motivated by a surface demand on word final consonants, this time against word final non-apicals; it deletes any would-be word final non-apical consonant. It has no motivation in terms of surface demands. An Apicalization Analysis is Preferable to Laminalization Amongst the six processes introduced above, Laminalization is rather mismatched. In a language where so much phonology applies at the ends of words, we have one process which applies specifically to segments which are not at the ends of words, yet which are at the ends of stems.

An alternative analysis is that the process at stake is running in the opposite direction: the underlying consonant is laminal, and is converted into an apical at the end of a word. This alternative, Apicalization,6 is shown in example 9. In a sense, both Apicalization and Laminal Truncation are species of Delaminalization. Round Apicalization is fed by Apocope and Cluster Simplification [in example 9i ]. UR Surface i. In contrast, Laminalization Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 03 October is of no help: the segment which exhibits the alternation is not stem final, but Laminalization is defined to laminalize only stem final, word internal segments.

Nor will redefining Laminalization to apply to stem internal segments provide a workable solution. In short, Apicalization is empirically adequate, but Laminalization cannot be. Furthermore, it will also be recalled that Laminalization was unmotivated by any surface demand in Lardil. At this point, let us introduce more data.

In examples 10a and 10d we see that some nominals undergo Apicalization and some undergo Non-apical truncation. Which process applies is lexically determined. Nevertheless, is it consistent with the data to claim that Apicalization itself is motivated by a demand that words not end in a non- apical consonant.

Two other sources of evidence can be identified. First, in reduplicated verb stems a final laminal surfaces in the first copy of the stem in examples like a , in which the following copy begins with a labial. Apicalization and Non-apical truncation of would-be word final laminals: Both satisfy the surface requirement that words not end in a non-apical consonant, which applies and is lexically determined for nominal stems in examples 10a and 10d.

Verb stems, analyzable as laminal-final, always undergo Truncation [example 10g ]. UR Surface 10 a. As discussed above, both Apicalization and Non-apical truncation can be related to a demand on surface words in Lardil, that they not end in non-apical consonants. Round however, we find that Lardil does in fact possess precisely such words: words ending in laminals. The forms in example 11 undergo Apocope, and in one case Cluster reduction, but in all of them, both Apicalization and Non-apical truncation fail to apply.

In misc. Historical reconstruction is always subject to some uncertainly but here I find the evidence compelling, as follows. Proto Tangkic is reconstructed as a morphologically ergative language Evans I reconstruct that before it became nominative, pre-Lardil had at least some ergative subject pronouns, and that these are retained now as nominatives.

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